| 新聞報導 - 楊緒東專欄 | |
| 作者 台灣大地文教基金會董事長 楊緒東醫師 | |
| 2013-07-03 | |
台灣民主變化，於前總統李登輝與台灣海內外民主鬥士巧妙互動之中而滋長，一方面在此感謝蔣經國先生的知人善任，另方面台灣的民主運動，發展成國際化的現象，有國際監督的加乘效應，故於亞太地區民主進展，台灣有世界指標的價值。可是開放黨禁、新聞自由、發展人權與一切之民主措施之後，台灣不再視中共大陸為敵對國家，而中共對台灣的統戰分化亦始終如一。
國際論壇中，對台灣直選總統的期待，於台灣人無國家觀念的反常行為，開始產生疑慮，其關鍵點在於 KMT 50 年來的教育，扭曲台灣人的國家觀念以中國為台灣唯一祖國，而祖國心理作祟，亦使得台灣人不知主權獨立的重要性。主權獨立是民主的基石，祖國觀念只是對故居的懷念，而台灣人對故居原鄉人的過度迷戀，形成台灣中共化的隱憂。中共不等於中國，而懷念的祖國亦不等於現在的中國大陸，文化大革命之後，中華文化的傳承精神，就在中國人的“祖媽”－台灣精神的懷抱中了。 中共自從發生中國人殺中國人的民主人權慘劇，即1989的天安門殺戮事件，全世界對於中國的投資紛紛以拒絕往來來抗衡，而獨獨台灣人拼了頭，往中共地區投資劇增28%，挽救中共的經濟頹勢，助長中共反民主有理的態勢，台灣成為中共解放軍擴展的最大資源。 於2001年6月19日USA TODAY今日美國的社論就很明顯的指出，台灣為爭取主權獨立得到的民主現象，非常值得檢討。以台灣人的人格，生意第一，而缺乏國家安全的意識之下，台灣人有膽與中共打戰嗎？社論中認為中共導彈隨時可能飛過海峽打擊台灣本土，這是舉世皆知的事實，而台灣人麻木於國家安危的存亡，還能於北京的脅迫，以不斷超乎常情的行為來附和中共對台的恐嚇與內耗。大家聽說斯德哥爾摩症候群沒？此症候群談的是長期被綁架者的屈從到順從、到服從、而進入隨從的變化，各人可以參考一問一答。 １．問：聽說台灣人患了一種病叫斯德哥爾摩症候群（Stockholm Syndrome）？ 答：這種病已經由台灣傳染到世界各地。這本來的症狀是用在被壓迫，被綁架的人身上，因為這些人受到綁匪威脅，對自己的未來充滿無力感，對自主性的要求就逐漸喪失，而屈從綁匪的要求，最後與之結盟，成為綁匪的幫兇。其中須具備以下幾點要素： （一） 先是綁匪以強勢的語言來恐嚇被綁者，使之害怕。 （二） 再是綁匪封鎖被綁者的聯絡管道。 （三） 偶爾綁匪會略施小惠於被綁者，而被綁者產生極大的感動，開始巴結附和綁匪的言行。 （四） 綁匪會運用被綁者害怕孤立死亡的心態，灌輸其意志與思想，而久而久之，受綁者被洗腦，自主性瓦解，同情綁匪，而成為其成員。 （五） 被綁者反過來開始對抗要解救他們的人，並有激烈的戰鬥。 ２．問：這種情境放在台灣與大陸間的關係倒是真有意思，請述其詳？ 答：由KMT到台灣，台灣人民初期就有回歸祖國的感覺，但228之後，台灣人有了強烈被矮化壓抑感覺，台灣精英方有獨立當家作主的想法，而長期在中共壓力與KMT威權之下，台灣的反攻大陸到現在的祖國熱，就是群體Stockholm Syndrome的現象，即是所謂之被綁架者症候群出現。大家可以各自依聰明才智去想像，我不必說太多。 故老外毫無意外的認為台灣人長期缺乏國家觀念，而對民主人權的意識模糊不清，存在次殖民的祖國情懷，就看出台灣人have not the stomach for war，簡單的說即是台灣人的膽識有限，常識不足，空有民主，缺乏自主。以下附英文稿以為參考； IS TAIWAN PREPARED FOR WAR? 06/19/2001 TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) New submarines, destroyers, patrol planes and other weapons the United States says it will sell Taiwan are crucial to defending the island from China's giant military. But one of the big questions is whether the Taiwanese have the stomach for war. For years, the most probable conflict scenario was a flotilla of Chinese ships loaded with troops sailing across the 100-mile-wide Taiwan Strait and storming the beaches. But as China's military modernizes, defense experts foresee a different possibility: Beijing could terrorize the island by firing some of the 300 missiles it has deployed across from Taiwan. Such an attack, coupled with a naval blockade, would create chaos and panic among the Taiwanese, who have grown rich, comfortable and psychologically unprepared for war. Within a day or two, the Taiwanese would surrender and there would be no need for along, devastating war that would probably involve the United States, Taiwan's closest friend. By the time the rest of the world could assess the situation, the conflict would be over. China would have achieved its dream of unifying the two sides that split amid civil war in 1949. One indicator of how nervous the Taiwanese are over the China threat is the island's stock market,which frequently tumbles on media rumors about Chinese military moves. When China tested missiles near the island's major ports in 1996, the market plunged 30%, Taiwan's currency lost 9% of its value and there was a tidal wave of capital flight. Since then, the government created a special fund to prop up the market when China tries to scare investors. Checking his stocks at a downtown brokerage Wednesday, Liao Wei-hsiung wasn't ready to guarantee the Taiwanese wouldn't quickly surrender after taking a pounding from Chinese missiles. "It's really hard to say what will happen. We've never been tested in this way," said Liao, 40, who works for an air freight company. Liao said what might weaken the public's resolve is the division over what Taiwan's future should be. Some argue Taiwan is an independent country that should never unify with China. Others think it's a province of China that's waiting for the mainland to become democratic before unifying. Many prefer the fuzzy status quo, not declaring independence but stalling on unification. "We don't have a consensus about the future and that's why the situation can be chaotic here," Liao said. Since martial law ended in 1987, Taiwan has evolved into one of Asia's most vibrant democracies. As the government loosened its grip on society, it toned down its anti-communist propaganda and the military has had less influence in governing the island. Damon Bristow, a researcher at the Royal United Services Institute for Defense Studies in London, said the Taiwanese might be putting too much faith in their advanced U.S. weapons and developing a false sense of security. Bristow said the Taiwanese government should do more to prepare the public for the high probability that missiles will hit the island if war breaks out. The military in recent years has launched a campaign to boost public morale and awareness, but it hasn't had much influence, said Fu S. Mei, editor-in-chief of Taiwan Defense Review. One factor that makes the Taiwan-China rivalry unique is that while the two sides spend billions on weapons to use against each other, businesses on both sides are inking huge deals, forming joint-ventures and linking their economies. China has become Taiwan's No. 2 market for trade and investment. Forty% of Taiwan's foreign investment, estimated at $50 billion, is in China. One of the most telling figures is how much Taiwanese investment jumped after China's violent crackdown on the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy protests. After Western nations slapped sanctions on China, the Taiwanese rushed in to fill the vacuum, increasing trade by 28%. Street vendor Yang Bin-long, 35, said business ties, not weapons, would keep the two sides from fighting. "Everyone just wants to make money. They don't want to wage war," he said. 後記：台灣人要錢不要命的心態，因於過去KMT的麻醉性教育，（big China first and belittle Taiwan people），即大中國第一與貶低台灣人格價值的非民主教化。
引用:台灣大地文教基金會
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2013年7月3日 星期三
斯德哥爾摩症候群在台灣
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